Dear Editor,
Recent public discourse concerning the appointment of the Leader of the Opposition has highlighted a significant constitutional and political issue. Commentators such as Dr. Sherwood Lowe and Dr. Terrence Campbell have advocated for the APNU to retain this office. However, this position appears to be based on a misreading of the constitutional process, seemingly facilitated by procedural ambiguity and, perhaps, a tacit understanding with the governing PPP.
The constitutional reality is clear: the office of the Leader of the Opposition became vacant upon the dissolution of Parliament in July 2025 and is to be filled only after the convening of the new Parliament. Therefore, President Irfaan Ali’s correspondence in October 2025, which addressed Mr. Aubrey Norton as the Leader of the Opposition, was constitutionally premature. This action underscores a concerning disregard for due process.
Beyond the constitutional question, a deeper electoral analysis reveals that neither of the two traditional parties holds an unchallenged mandate. The 2025 election results from key areas in Berbice illustrate a significant shift in voter sentiment that calls into question their authority to dictate the political landscape. An examination of the Adventure-Bushlot Neighbourhood Democratic Council (NDC) is particularly revealing. This area, comprising both traditional APNU and PPP strongholds, recorded a notable increase in valid votes from 1,273 in 2015 to 1,738 in 2025. The results breakdown is as follows:
VOTING PATTERN IN ADVENTURE – BUSHLOT NDC
Three critical trends emerge from this data:
1. Precipitous Decline in APNU+AFC Support: The coalition’s share of the vote was halved, falling from 41.8% in 2015 to 20.5% in 2025. This collapse in support primarily benefited the new WIN Team, not the PPP, indicating a strategic defection by former coalition supporters seeking a credible alternative.
2. Erosion of PPP Dominance: Despite significant government investment in the rice sector, the PPP’s vote share declined from 58.2% to 55.3%. This three-point drop in a core stronghold challenges the narrative of an unassailable mandate. This erosion appears driven by voter disillusionment, particularly among youth, stemming from a lack of job opportunities, frustrations with local governance, and the severe impact of the cost-of-living crisis.
3. The Rise of a Viable Third Force: The most striking development is the performance of the WIN Party, which secured 24.2% of the vote just three months after its formation. This demonstrates a tangible public appetite for an alternative to the established political duopoly and a clear rejection of the status quo.
This pattern is not isolated. Across Region 6, the PPP’s vote share declined by 2,120 votes between 2020 and 2025, while the WIN Team gained 12,388 new votes. This raises serious questions about the government’s connection to its traditional base and the poor political leadership offered during the elections campaign on the Corentyne by Minister Ashni Singh and Minister Zulfikar Mustapha.
The government’s managerial shortcomings further compound this political shift. The most remarkable thing happening in these rural agricultural communities is how unremarkable is the respective ministerial intervention. The most harrowing thing about the situation in the agriculture sector today is that Minister Zulfikar Mustapha is a true representation of the standard example of the quality of the ministerial class in the PPP Government earning a call name “Failing Zulfi”.
The country see long-lasting, deep-set structural problems go permanently unresolved (for example, the rice crisis and the cost of living crisis, the state of NIS, the long periods of blackouts, etc.) but all the PPP Ministers are doing is a series of frenzy of activities, much of it pointless in the first place. Pledges, such as leading CARICOM to reduce its food import bill by 25% by 2025, have been quietly deferred to 2030, indicating a failure in agricultural policy. Yet, the ministerial leadership responsible remains unchanged, projecting an image of political loyalty over achievement.
That is why the current Cabinet outreach by President Ali and his team is a very good idea and must be supported; it will help. I am hoping the President himself will hear how his Ministers are failing him in 2025.
In conclusion, the constitutional process for appointing the Leader of the Opposition must be respected, and the appointment must reflect the new political reality revealed by the 2025 elections. The data from Berbice suggests that the WIN Team, as the emerging voice for a significant and dissatisfied segment of the electorate, presents a compelling case to be recognized as the official opposition.