Dear Editor,
The September 1, 2025, General and regional elections and their aftermath have produced notable events attracting both local and international attention. Guyana is frequently acknowledged for its self-sufficiency in food, high per capita oil production, leadership in climate change, and low deforestation rates. However, some headlines also negatively impact the country’s reputation, as briefly outlined below.
Critics accurately predicted the collapse of the AFC, which had risen as a third force in Guyanese politics in 2005. After merging with APNU in 2014 and subsequently losing their identity during the period 2015-2020, AFC failed to win any seat in the 2025 regional and national elections. The AFC’s disappointing performance in the 2015-2020 coalition with APNU led many people to claim that third force politics in Guyana was finished. However, businessman Mr. Azruddin Mohamed, leader of the WIN party, has revived this movement with new leadership and grassroots support.
Mr. Azruddin Mohamed established the political party “We Invest in Nationhood” (WIN) three months prior to the 2025 regional and national elections. Despite its recent formation, WIN secured 16 Parliamentary seats and the leadership of region 10—a notable achievement unprecedented among third parties in post-independence Guyana. The WIN party also succeeded in region 7 (Cuyuni-Mazaruni).
Additionally, the WIN party made significant gains by reducing APNU’s representation in Parliament to 12 seats, resulting in APNU’s transition to minority status and the loss of its position as leader of the Parliamentary opposition for the first time. In region 10 (Upper Demerara-Berbice), WIN dismantled the traditional APNU stronghold; however, regional leadership remains unresolved. In region 4 (Demerara Mahaica), another area formerly dominated by APNU, the PPP/C achieved victory for the first time, with WIN’s participation contributing to this outcome. WIN also attracted votes from traditional PPP/C strongholds in regions 2, 3, and 6.
WIN’s leader, Mr. Azuruddin Mohamed, is expected to become Guyana’s Leader of the Opposition (LOO) on January 26, 2026. If elected, Guyana will face the implications of having an LOO under US sanctions and subject to a US extradition hearing. If the magistrate finds grounds for extradition, would Mr. Azruddin resign or be expelled from Parliament, and what do the Parliamentary Standing Orders say about such a scenario? Should Mr. Azruddin be extradited, would the new (interim) leader of the opposition try to forge an alliance with the two main opposition parties, WIN and APNU? This is doubtful as WIN members might feel that they would suffer a similar fate (marginalization and loss of identity) as the AFC experienced in the APNU+AFC coalition.
Following January 26, 2026, Guyana is set to experience another significant political event. Not only will there be the possibility that Mr. Azruddin Mohamed be elected as Leader of the Opposition (LOO), but also there will be two groups of shadow ministers—one identified by APNU (according to Mr. Ganesh Mahipaul) and the other by the WIN party. This and other developments present an engaging Parliamentary session ahead. With most opposition members being new to their roles, the public will be closely observing both their performance and behaviour.
The PPP/C government’s development plan is unlikely to be derailed by Parliamentary actions but must remain alert as WIN and APNU can still pose obstacles. The government recognizes that the recent elections showed how money often outweighed policies in shaping voter choices. While infrastructure development continues rapidly, citizens’ priorities have shifted toward immediate, tangible benefits for families and neighbourhoods. Guyanese are increasingly adopting a consumption-driven mindset, focused on instant gratification.