Dear Editor,
The recent admission by Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar—that the crime situation in Trinidad and Tobago has become so dire she can no longer depend solely on their own military and protective services nor CARICOM —is a chilling moment in that nation’s history. By explicitly inviting the engagement of United States forces to act, in effect, as a secondary police force, the government has signaled the final collapse of a security apparatus that successive administrations have allowed to decay for decades.
This announcement carries a particularly bitter irony as it coincides with the 50th Regular Meeting of the Conference of CARICOM Heads of Government in Basseterre, St. Kitts and Nevis. While regional leaders discuss “Beyond Words: Action Today for a Thriving, Sustainable CARICOM” and the preservation of Caribbean sovereignty, Trinidad and Tobago appears to be leading a retreat into foreign dependency. Perhaps most jarring is the Prime Minister’s dismissive stance toward critics; her defiant retort of “who vex more, vex” suggests a leadership that has traded diplomatic consensus for a desperate, unilateral gamble.
The statistics justify the public’s desperation, but they also highlight the scale of failure. In 2024, the nation recorded 624 murders, pushing the homicide rate to 41.3 per 100,000 residents. While the administration recently hailed a 42% drop in murders for 2025, the underlying detection rate for serious crimes has historically struggled to cross 15%. The financial cost is even more staggering: over the last two decades, the state has poured an estimated TT$100 billion into National Security. For the 2026 fiscal year alone, the allocation stands at TT$6.37 billion. Despite this astronomical investment, the state must now pay again for foreign intervention.
This move also highlights a deepening class divide. While the average citizen navigates a landscape of “terrorism” and gang warfare, a significant segment of the wealthy elite has already sought refuge in the “Miami Nexus.” For years, affluent Trinidadians have funneled capital into South Florida real estate, creating a gilded safety net in gated enclaves like Coral Gables. When those with the means to fix the country choose to secure their families in Miami rather than invest in local stability, the social contract is effectively severed.
Furthermore, the administration’s support for US forces—at a time when Secretary of State Marco Rubio is projecting power through Operation Southern Spear—risks isolating Trinidad and Tobago from its neighbours. This military campaign, which includes maritime blockades and lethal strikes, is already disrupting regional trade patterns. The aggressive interdictions have increased shipping costs and delayed the movement of essential goods across the archipelago. While the Prime Minister embraces this intervention, other CARICOM leaders view the escalation as a threat to the regional goal of a “Zone of Peace.”
This foreign engagement must be the absolute final wake-up call to overhaul their local services. While US forces are present, the government must prioritize a ruthless internal purge of the TTPS, fill the 55% shortage in the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions, and modernize the judicial system to ensure that justice is no longer a delayed luxury. If a nation cannot police its own streets despite spending billions to do so, it remains a nation in name only. Without these reforms, we must admit that the “uncontrollable situation” has already won.