Dear Editor,
Guyanese are reluctant to record their histories. This is evident, for example, in our failure to document the horrors that occurred during the 1980s when the PNC regime was at its pinnacle of unlawful rule, giving rise to Stabroek News in 1986 when I was a teen at Queen’s College (QC).[1]
The arrival of the paper helped to cut the thickness of the PNC “air” that stifled Guyana—as with the stolen 1985 elections following Forbes Burnham’s death. QC was, of course, Guyana’s “top” secondary school situated between the twin faces of law enforcement; the police at Eve Leary and the army at Camp Ayanganna. Students were told Guyana had 6 races, but the face of law enforcement had only one face.
This is the world into which Stabroek emerged and 40 years later, this pro-African racial nature of law enforcement remains intact. In post-colonial countries, freedom of speech is almost always linked to law enforcement and it would be naïve to assume that what passes for law enforcement in Guyana, is not related to what passes also for freedom of speech.
In a country where its foremost export may well be that of its natives, and the counting of votes of those whose presence is lacking at Eve Leary and Camp Ayanganna, voter franchise for these voting groups still warrants some form of foreign intervention—such as that of a US secretary of state in 2020. So, the closure of the paper may be, arguably, about a lot more than mere speech rights, and more of a statement about self-rule and internal conflicts.[2]
I am, therefore, thankful for the many letters published in the paper, especially regarding crime and political violence that occurred during the 2000-2006 period, a watershed moment in Guyana’s history which remains—yes—substantially undocumented.
At great risk, it will likely remain so as monies are not allocated for competent historians and writers to record our histories. Thus, the paper’s “Prison Break Carnage: a Stabroek News Investigation,” is of significant importance. The report was aptly cited by President Irfaan Ali, sitting next to the general secretary of the PPP/C, in New York in September 2021 when questioned about extrajudicial killings.
Some in Guyana reported that the president said extrajudicial killings “never existed.” I was there; is that what was said or meant? Strangely, some of those who object to deaths by extrajudicial means had no problem, however, accepting a new government that is birthed by extra-judicial methods. Some of these individuals who are persons of influence did not contribute to reducing the violence especially during 2001 to 2003.
Successive PPP regimes and the party itself have contributed to the one-sided narrative about what transpired during these years because of their silence, allowing their adversaries to nurture unfounded positions that migrated unchecked beyond Guyana. Further, these regimes seem incapable of hiring credible persons with knowledge of events of these years to do public relations work when necessary.
It is interesting, for example, that on or about January 24, 2020 at Golden Grove during the 2020 elections campaign, President David Granger boasted as follows: “We won the battle against the phantom squad;…we won the battle against the troubles between 2000 and 2010…” No one questioned this claim. Who is “we”? Is the “we” responsible for extrajudicial killings?
Further, at no time during the 2000 to 2006 years was the word “Troubles” used to describe what transpired. Historically, the “Troubles” referred to a 30-year conflict in Northern Ireland. After he won a libel case against the BBC last year, the retired Irish Sinn Féin politician, Gerry Adams, spoke about the “Troubles” and he was not speaking about Guyana.
One should not describe the violence of the period using the “Troubles” any more than one should use the word “Intifada.” This is why Guyana needs money to be allocated to foster the recording of its contemporary histories by competent writers and historians.
As one who managed a website (www.guyanaundersiege.com[3]) for years which was started by my parents on account of the anti-East Indian violence that emerged following the 2001 general elections, and who traveled to Guyana to gather information about the violence, it became clear that members of law enforcement, the then opposition, and the underworld—all of a certain ethnic persuasion united in a deliberate scheme to topple the 2001 Jagdeo regime.
The press, at large, failed to investigate this concerted effort. They came close to achieving what they set out to do. These persons also had support in the press, especially by those who argued relentlessly for power sharing. But they did not control the overall narrative about crime.
This is because Stabroek helped persons like me to push back against this scheme by making public in its letter column, our voices. I hope this role by the paper and ordinary folks would not go unrecorded—especially since ordinarily, it is difficult for lay persons to have a voice in Guyana because that is usually reserved for the political class.
Shortly after the 2001 elections, I began to tabulate reported crimes for my parents’ website, but with time it soon became overwhelming as Guyana had become crippled by the violence. Some fled Guyana leaving their homes all locked up. I saw this in numerous villages I visited. One such trip was with the late Mr. Kampta Karran who was seeking materials for his Offerings publications.
I wish to end here by remembering one very unfortunate moment in all of it—covering the funeral of the 9-year-old East Indian child, Christine Sukra of Coldigen, who was killed in 2004 after gunmen fired indiscriminately against her parents’ home. I do not believe anything has come of this. At her funeral I ran into the late PPP Minister, Mr. Satyadeow “Sash” Sawh. I submit here 2 photographs from this funeral, one of children carrying signs of the slain child and the other of the minister—which may be of some historical relevance as he too, as is now known, would be killed.