Dear Editor,
Just as the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) commemorated its 53rd anniversary on July 4, 2026, leaders took regional governance, inclusivity and integration to a new level at its fifty-first Heads of Government summit in Castries, St. Lucia on July 7. It was a magnanimous display of camaraderie, diplomacy and maturity, hardly exhibited by the regional bloc in the face of strong disagreements, in recent times.
CARICOM has often been described by analysts as a weak, toothless, comatose talk shop comprising a group of states doggedly wedded to sovereignty. It is perceived by many as consisting of regional leaders and officials of a Secretariat who enjoy undeserved, luxurious joy rides to attend useless summits characterized by a chronic implementation deficit.
As a result, the region looked on in amazement when CARICOM leaders unanimously agreed to proposals in a twenty-two-page document submitted by the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago, the Honourable, Kamla Persad-Bissessar, to the Chair of CARICOM and Prime Minister of St. Lucia, the Honourable Phillip Pierre. The reaction of Chairman Pierre was a far cry from the adversarial and antagonistic mood at the fiftieth summit held on 26-27 February, 2026, chaired by the Prime Minister of St. Kitts and Nevis, the Honourable Terrence Drew. Instead of attempting to address the concerns raised by Persad-Bissessar on procedural improprieties in the renewal of the Secretary General, Drew assumed a defensive posture and rebuked leaders for their absence at the retreat where the decision was made.
When interviewed by the national media on whether Persad-Bissessar should attend the fifty-first summit, I replied that she should jump at this opportunity to raise unsettled concerns of her government which should not remain bottled-up but boldly aired at the summit in the presence of regional leaders.
Persad-Bissessar prudently attended the summit and diplomatically reaffirmed her government’s unwavering commitment to the regional bloc, “to the ideals of regional integration, and to the rule of law that lies at the heart of our Treaty-based Community,” She was careful to underscore that “Our concern is not directed towards any individual. It is neither personal nor political. Rather, it concerns the legality of the process adopted, the integrity of our institutions and the faithful observance of the constitutional framework established by the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas.” However, she also re-emphasized that her government “does not accept the process by which the Secretary-General was purportedly reappointed, and consequently, is unable to recognise the validity of the purported second term of the Secretary-General”. She further affirmed that “the process adopted for the purported reappointment of the Secretary-General was inconsistent with the Revised Treaty and the Rules of Procedure governing the Conference of Heads of Government”. Moreover, she underlines that “our position is not held to create division within the Community, but to preserve the constitutional order upon which the legitimacy and credibility of CARICOM ultimately depends. Regional unity cannot rest upon expediency and irregular practices masquerading as precedent. It must rest upon adherence to the rules which every Member State has freely accepted and undertaken to uphold”.
A cursory glance at the procedures under which the Secretary-General was actually reappointed under Chairman Drew, would present a cause for consternation from any reasonable onlooker as well as anyone familiar with international law. Indeed, the issue prompted a regional expert to seek an independent legal opinion from UWI’s Professor of Law, Rajendra Ramlogan, who produced a comprehensive forty-eight-page document, excerpts of which appeared in the regional media. It is uncertain whether the legal issues in this brilliant opinion impacted the deliberations at the fifty-first CARICOM summit but it certainly attracted the attention of the regional public. What is clear is that the arguments presented by Persad-Bissessar were robust enough to persuade all the CARICOM leaders present, including Prime Ministers Mottley and Holness, to unanimously acquiesce to her request for CARICOM to seek an advisory opinion from the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ), pursuant to Article 212 of the RTC.
The objections of Persad-Bissessar were primarily directed at the procedures adopted to reappoint the Secretary-General. However, her mention of “irregular practices masquerading as precedent,” also raises concerns on substantive issues such as the criteria used to appoint and reappoint a Secretary-General and other officials at CARICOM. Are they political appointees or career diplomats? Are they qualified for the positions they hold? Are robust interviews and performance appraisals undertaken for their appointment and reappointment?
Since CARICOM is funded by tax-payers who comprise the regional citizenry, this should concern every CARICOM citizen. It should actually be of deeper interest to Trinbagonians who contribute 22 percent of the CARICOM budget which is between US$4 million and US$5 million annually, in addition to providing financial support through regional development funds, energy-related assistance and trade financing programmes.
Persad-Bissessar has indicated that her persuasion of the regional Heads of Government to seek an advisory opinion from the CCJ is no indication that her government intends to subscribe to the CCJ as its final court of appeal, at this time. It seems that there is some confusion in the public arena surrounding this issue. By way of clarification, it should be understood that the CCJ has twin jurisdictions, a compulsory Original Jurisdiction which is guided by the RTC and to which all CSME states automatically subscribe, and an optional Appellate Jurisdiction which constitutes the apex of their domestic court system and has replaced the Privy Council as their final court of appeal. So far, only five states – Guyana, Barbados, Dominica, Belize and St. Lucia – have subscribed to the Appellate jurisdiction of the CCJ. Therefore, Persad-Bissessar could have taken the matter to the CCJ on behalf of Trinidad and Tobago unilaterally, under the Original Jurisdiction but opted for multilateralism through CARICOM in the interest of regional integration, democracy and transparency and the collective good of the region. The CCJ is actually best suited as the final arbiter in this matter.
Another major issue tabled at the fifty-first summit was that of the indigenization of the University of the West Indies. Vice-Chancellor, Sir Hilary Beckles, presented for CARICOM’s approval, the newly drafted Agreement Establishing the UWI which seeks to replace the colonial Royal Charter. The UWI is actually one of the most long-standing and prominent officially recognized institutions of CARICOM. The new Agreement was approved by the Heads of Government and now moves to the national Parliaments of CARICOM member states for support before being transposed into domestic law, in keeping with the dualist doctrine of the common law tradition. States are urged to hasten the passage of this legislation so that The UWI can transition seamlessly towards the modernization and decolonization of its governance architecture as it continues its reign as the pre-eminent tertiary institution of the region.
The fifty-first CARICOM summit signals a new direction for a regional bloc in dire need of reform. The tremendous gains of this forum through widespread collaboration, compromise and consensus should be attributed to the exemplary leadership of Chairman Phillip Pierre and the fearless and unrelenting diplomacy of Persad-Bissessar. The other CARICOM leaders, including Prime Minister Drew, should also be commended for their embrace of democracy and the rule of law in the interest of genuine regional integration. Such maturity would augur well for CARICOM as a united regional bloc as Trinidad and Tobago assumes its non-permanent seat at the United Nations Security Council in 2027-2028.
In recognition of the 53rd anniversary of CARICOM and what he views as its myriad of achievements, President of the CCJ, Justice Winston Anderson recently called for a CARICOM holiday in the Jamaican Gleaner. He noted that “on July 4 this year, the United States celebrates 250 years since the Declaration of Independence. While Americans gather annually on July 4 to celebrate the birth of their nation, we in the Caribbean have an opportunity on that same day to reflect upon the birth and evolution of our regional community…Today, Caribbean nationals enjoy opportunities unimaginable to earlier generations. Citizens can travel freely across the Community, establish businesses, provide services, pursue employment opportunities, and invest beyond the borders of their own States”.
Holiday or not, all eyes are now on Justice Anderson and the Caribbean Court of Justice. In her letter to CARICOM, Persad-Bissessar proposed that “all Member States are to abide by the Court’s determination and that “upon delivery of the advisory opinion, all Members shall accept and implement the Court’s interpretation of the Revised Treaty as the authoritative determination of the constitutional issues in dispute. If the Court determines that the reappointment was lawfully effected, The Republic of Trinidad and Tobago shall immediately recognise the reappointment as valid”.
Irrespective of the direction of the impending CCJ advisory opinion, the camaraderie, robust negotiations, diplomacy, dialogue and deliberations at the fifty-first CARICOM summit, have already produced a win-win outcome for the region.
And when CARICOM wins, everybody wins!