Dear Editor,
Guyana’s oil wealth is a test. We can reform slowly, through institutions that no longer answer to voters, or act boldly for those who have waited longest. Azruddin Mohamed’s party, WIN, chooses boldness.
The Opposition Leader’s job. Mr. Mohamed faces a Florida indictment, which he denies, and an allegation isn’t a verdict. Meanwhile he holds the government to account with lengthy video evidence, some of it damning. In my view, the Barima evidence may meet the prima facie standard the DPP applied in charging the vessel’s captain, chief mate and a goods superintendent. Critics call the charges premature because the Commission of Inquiry hasn’t begun, but the DPP acted on the evidence and Commonwealth authorities.
Stepping aside. Mr. Mohamed’s office has asked 2 Cabinet ministers to step aside during investigation. This is long-standing Caribbean practice, and Guyana has followed it. In 2023 a minister took leave for an independent investigation and resigned when the DPP declined to charge. Jamaica’s Prime Minister Holness asked Education Minister Reid to resign in 2019, and he was later charged. Trinidad and Tobago dismissed Minister McDonald in 2016 during an Integrity Commission probe, reinstated him after a finding of no breach, and removed him again in 2019 when the DPP advised charges. None waited for a court, and none treated stepping aside as an admission of guilt. Those cases concerned contracts and money, while Barima may involve more than 100 deaths. Both ministers were on the PPP’s candidate list, and no party leader should judge his own list. The request is for a pause and an independent decision-maker, not a conviction.
Impeachment. Why not impeach the President? Art. 94 permits removal only for constitutional violation or gross misconduct. Art. 180 requires notice from half the members, a two-thirds vote (44 MPs), and a tribunal appointed by the Chancellor. The test is his own conduct, not a minister’s, and Art. 182 shields him meanwhile. Ministers have no such shield, so impeachment can’t do the work of stepping aside. The Constitution says “the Chancellor,” and an acting Chancellor is not one. Read literally, Guyana has no Chancellor able to appoint the tribunal. A government that can’t appoint a permanent CJ has no business lecturing anyone on the rule of law. Justices Roxane George and Navindra Singh have been Acting Chancellor and Acting CJ since 4th August, 2025. Before them, Justice Yonette Cummings-Edwards acted for about 10.5 years and was reportedly sent home on returning from leave. If true, that resembles forcing someone out by making the job untenable, which courts treat as dismissal (Western Excavating v Sharp[1]). Judges may be removed only by constitutional process, after a hearing (Re Therrien; Rees v Crane[2]).
The Commonwealth is consistent. Valente v The Queen[3] made secure tenure essential to judicial independence, and South Africa’s Constitutional Court struck down President Zuma’s extension of CJ Ngcobo’s term ([2011] ZACC 23[4]). Tenure protects the public, not the judge: a judge who can’t be fired has no reason to please the government. “Acting” posts suit short gaps, not the head of a branch of government. Since the Constitution requires consulting the LOTO, the fair question is whether acting posts are a response to stalled consultation.
Democracy. WIN’s 16 MPs waited until 26th January, 2026, about 145 days after the September 2025 election, to be seated with a recognised leader. Over 100,000 voters were left in limbo. That’s a “Zombie Democracy,” where votes move nothing.
In June 2026, APNU and WIN nominated attorney Amanza to opposition committee seats. Speaker Nadir refused, citing Standing Order 94(1), since her party holds one seat. As a layman, I believe those seats belong to the opposition. Excluding her appears to be political and gender discrimination, which Article 149F bars, and a standing order cannot outrank the Constitution. The one-third quota for women is a floor, not a ceiling. Women have presided over the House in T&T, St. Vincent, Jamaica and the Bahamas. If oil wealth should reach those who waited longest, many of them women, they belong in the room.
Why does the Speaker decide this? Is it not the Chief Whip’s role to fill Opposition committee seats? Is he not overriding Ms. Sarabo-Halley, who seconded the nomination? I respectfully urge the Speaker to uphold democratic protocols and the privileges of female members.
Staying away, on principle. I understand the decision not to attend the President’s meeting. No agenda was offered, and the convening lacked proper protocol. A meeting without an agenda is a photo opportunity, not consultation. An opposition that refuses to be used isn’t obstructing. The door isn’t closed: provide a written agenda in advance, keep minutes, and make a permanent Chancellor and CJ item one.
My endorsement. This isn’t blind loyalty. I ask of Mr. Mohamed what I ask of every MP: answer to the voters, not to party or power. That starts with a public pledge to appoint a permanent Chancellor and CJ, with full job security, within WIN’s first year. That is why I endorse Azruddin Mohamed.