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A corruption thesis with a family blind spot

Dear Editor,

Hadiyyah Mohamed’s master’s dissertation has been sold to the Guyanese public as an exposé. Her brother announced it under the banner “Exposing the Structures of Corruption, Political Power and Governance Under the PPP/C.” The work, an MLitt dissertation at the University of St Andrews titled “Postcolonial State Formation and Corruption in Guyana: Power, Ethnicity and Governance Under the PPP/C,[1] it is now circulated by WIN supporters as though a Scottish university had delivered a verdict on the Government of Guyana. It did no such thing. The dissertation deserves to be read for what it is and for what it leaves out.

Start with the method. On the family’s own account, the research rests on 232 questionnaire responses and interviews with two persons, former President Donald Ramotar and commentator Charles Sugrim. Its headline finding is that 94 per cent of respondents agreed or strongly agreed that corruption remains a significant problem in Guyana. That is a finding about belief, not about conduct. Even the examiner, the family, is so proud to quote and praise her use of interviews “to examine public perceptions of corruption”. Perceptions. Survey research of this kind has a legitimate place in the social sciences. It can tell us what a group of people think. It cannot tell us who took a bribe, which contract was rigged, or what any court has found. In the summary the family has released, no conviction, no audit finding, and no judgement sits beside the percentages. Opinion is doing all the work.

Then there is the sample. The public has not been told how those 232 persons were recruited, when they were surveyed, through which networks the questionnaire travelled, or whether anything was offered for taking part. Those are not pedantic questions. The author stood as a candidate for WIN. A political candidate asking a self-selected group to rate the integrity of her opponents, with no published sampling frame, is not running a neutral instrument. Send the questionnaire to the right crowd, and 94 per cent is not a finding; it is a forecast. Until the questionnaire, the recruitment method and the raw responses are made public, those numbers should carry no weight in national debate.

Now consider the omission. The most consequential corruption case in modern Guyanese history does not need a questionnaire. In June 2024, the US Treasury found that between 2019 and 2023, Mohamed’s Enterprise omitted more than 10,000 kilograms of gold from its declarations, avoided more than US$50 million in duties owed to the Guyanese people, and paid bribes to customs officials to falsify import and export documents.[2] Treasury also designated Hadi’s World, a subsidiary of Mohamed’s Enterprise that carries her name. A federal grand jury has since indicted her father and brother, and the United States has requested their extradition.[3] These findings came from US Homeland Security Investigations, the FBI and other American agencies, not from Freedom House and not from a survey. A dissertation on corruption in Guyana’s oil era that finds room for a governing party’s alleged patronage but not for the largest alleged gold-tax fraud of the same years is not scholarship. It is selective vision, and the blind spot happens to be the family home.

Nor is gold the only file. Consider the Lamborghini. In October 2020, a Texas dealer, International Speed Consulting, invoiced Azruddin Mohamed US$695,000 for a Lamborghini Aventador SVJ Roadster.[4] Bank records the GRA obtained from GBTI show US$622,000 wired to that company over three days, described not as a car purchase but as racing services and parts, race support, travel, and marketing and advertising. Two months later, the same car, matched by its chassis number, was declared to Guyana’s customs at US$75,300, less than a ninth of the invoice. In court filings, he put the price at about US$76,000. The invoice reached the GRA from the US Department of Justice under the Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty. In May 2025, he was charged with making a false declaration and with fraudulent evasion under the Customs Act, and he pleaded not guilty. Those charges were not dismissed on the merits. The DPP discontinued them in November 2025 because the United States had requested his extradition, and the car now features in the US indictment itself.

That is not a perception survey. It is an invoice, a wire record and a customs form, and they do not agree. Weeks before the charges, GRA officers who went to the family’s Houston home to seize vehicles in a duties dispute were turned back by a crowd that blocked their way. A dissertation about who in Guyana treats the public revenue as optional had its case study parked in the family driveway.

And here lies the irony. Ms Mohamed did not study this case from a distance. She grew up inside it. The family fortune, on which the racing team, the luxury cars and, by all appearances, a new political party have been built, comes from the same gold business that Washington alleges ran on undeclared gold, evaded duties, and bribed customs officers. If those allegations are proven, that business will stand as the largest and most powerful corrupt corporate network in this country’s history, and the family around it as its principal beneficiaries. A company bearing her name is already on the Treasury’s sanctions list. A scholar so placed had two honest options: confront the case head-on or declare her interest and leave the subject to others. She did neither. She turned her lens on everyone else. A corruption thesis written from inside the house in question that leaves out the house does not expose power. It is power explaining why the problem lies elsewhere.

So let us apply her own standard. If what people say and believe is admissible evidence of corruption, then what is said, reported, and investigated about her own household is far more specific than anything in her questionnaire.

Yours sincerely,
Concerned Citizen

References

  1. Public critique challenges St Andrews dissertation on Guyana corruptionenglish.pravda.ru ↩
  2. Archived: HSI New York Joins Department of Treasury in Announcing Sanctions Against Corruption Network in Guyanawww.ice.gov ↩
  3. Azruddin, Nazar Mohamed arrested after extradition request from US Govtguyanatimesgy.com ↩
  4. Documents show Azruddin Mohamed bought Lamborghini for US$695,000- court records – Demerara Waves Online News- Guyanademerarawaves.com ↩
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